Abstract

There have been many functional imaging studies that have investigated the neural correlates of speech perception by contrasting neural responses to speech and "speech-like" but unintelligible control stimuli. A potential drawback of this approach is that intelligibility is necessarily conflated with a change in the acoustic parameters of the stimuli. The approach we have adopted is to take advantage of the mismatch response elicited by an oddball paradigm to probe neural responses in temporal lobe structures to a parametrically varied set of deviants in order to identify brain regions involved in vowel processing. Thirteen normal subjects were scanned using a functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) paradigm while they listened to continuous trains of auditory stimuli. Three classes of stimuli were used: 'vowel deviants' and two classes of control stimuli: one acoustically similar ('single formants') and the other distant (tones). The acoustic differences between the standard and deviants in both the vowel and single-formant classes were designed to match each other closely. The results revealed an effect of vowel deviance in the left anterior superior temporal gyrus (aSTG). This was most significant when comparing all vowel deviants to standards, irrespective of their psychoacoustic or physical deviance. We also identified a correlation between perceptual discrimination and deviant-related activity in the dominant superior temporal sulcus (STS), although this effect was not stimulus specific. The responses to vowel deviants were in brain regions implicated in the processing of intelligible or meaningful speech, part of the so-called auditory "what" processing stream. Neural components of this pathway would be expected to respond to sudden, perhaps unexpected changes in speech signal that result in a change to narrative meaning.